By Jeroen van Craenenbroeck
Within the Nineteen Eighties generative grammar famous that sensible fabric is ready to undertaking syntactic constitution in conformity with the X-bar-format. This perception quickly ended in a substantial elevate within the stock of useful projections. the fundamental suggestion in the back of this line of theorizing, which works via the identify of cartography, is that sentence constitution could be represented as a template of linearly ordered positions, every one with their very own syntactic and semantic import. lately, notwithstanding, a couple of difficulties were raised for this process. for instance, convinced mixtures of syntactic components can't be linearly ordered. In mild of such difficulties a couple of replacement bills were explored. a few of them suggest a brand new (often interface-related) set off for stream, whereas others search substitute technique of accounting for numerous observe order styles. those choices to cartography don't shape a homogeneous workforce, nor has there up to now been a discussion board the place those principles should be in comparison and faced with each other. This quantity fills that hole. It bargains a diversified and in-depth view at the place taken by means of a considerable variety of researchers within the box at the present time on what's most likely some of the most hotly debated and arguable matters in present-day generative grammar.
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As we have shown, a topic can move out of a constituent containing an in situ focus, but a focus cannot move out of a constituent containing an in situ topic. The problem this raises for a ‘relativized cartography’ approach is that moved topics and moved foci would occupy positions in the topic-focus hierarchy, while topics and foci that remain in situ would occupy positions in the argumental hierarchy. Hence, ordering restrictions must be formulated that involve positions in more than one hierarchy, showing that a tier-based account is insufficient.
C. ’ ∃ > ∀s ; ∗ ∀s > ∃ ˇ KAZDOMU Ty predstavil odnogo uˇcitelja you introduced one teacher-ACC every STUDENTU student-DAT 38 Ad Neeleman, Elena Titov, Hans van de Koot and Reiko Vermeulen d. ’ ∃ > ∀s ; ∗ ∀s > ∃ ˇ KAZDOGO Ty predstavil odnomu studentu you introduced one student-DAT every ˇ UCITELJA. 22 Even though these are fronted, they systematically take lowest scope. That is, they reconstruct obligatorily to a position below other quantifiers. Thus, the fronted contrastive foci in (40) take scope in exactly the same position as the in situ new information foci in (39).
For the purposes of this paper, we assume that (10) is part of the grammar of Dutch, but not necessarily of the grammars of Japanese and Russian. Of course future research should establish whether it holds more generally. The structure in (11), to which (10) refers, contains the diacritic M that we have used in previous work to encode A’-movement, on a par with the slash notation in HPSG. )6 (10) (11) DoC Marking In (11) N2 is interpreted as the domain of contrast for XP. 22 Ad Neeleman, Elena Titov, Hans van de Koot and Reiko Vermeulen The proposal summarized in (10) and (11) entails that the examples in (6) and (7) differ as to whether or not the embedded subject is included in the domain of contrast.
Alternatives to Cartography by Jeroen van Craenenbroeck